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The Korean Society for Journalism & Communication (KSJCS)
[ Article ]
Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies - Vol. 66, No. 1, pp.161-220
ISSN: 2586-7369 (Online)
Print publication date 28 Feb 2022
Received 07 Oct 2021 Accepted 14 Jan 2022 Revised 05 Feb 2022
DOI: https://doi.org/10.20879/kjjcs.2022.66.1.005

그렇다면 대한민국은 지난 23년간 ‘북한이탈주민’을 어떻게 보았는가? : ‘북한이탈주민’, ‘탈북민’, ‘새터민’ 관련 언론 보도 빅데이터 분석

박종민* ; 주호준** ; 정영주*** ; 김현우****
*경희대학교 미디어학과 교수 jongmin@khu.ac.kr
**경희대학교 미디어학과 석사수료 joo4456@khu.ac.kr
***경희대학교 미디어학과 박사수료 storyjenny@naver.com
****경희대학교 미디어학과 석사 hwkim93@naver.com
Media reports and public perceptions of ‘North Korean refugees’ : A study on linguistic sentiment according to the political inclinations of the government and the media since 1998
Jongmin Park* ; Ho Jun Joo** ; Young Ju Jung*** ; Hyeon Woo Kim****
*Professor, Department of Media, Kyung Hee University, corresponding author jongmin@khu.ac.kr
**Master’s Candidate, The Graduate School of Media, Kyung Hee University joo4456@khu.ac.kr
***Doctoral Candidate, The Graduate School of Media, Kyung Hee University storyjenny@naver.com
****Master, The Graduate School of Media, Kyung Hee University hwkim93@naver.com

초록

본 연구는 1998년 이후 ‘북한이(탈)주민’, ‘탈북민’, ‘새터민’이 포함된 네이버 내 기사 약 20만 개의 언어 형태소 및 감성어가 조사되었다. 이 과정을 통해 해결하고자 하는 연구문제는 기사 내 언어적 강도, 정서적 표현 빈도, 긍·부정 정서 방향성이 1998년 이후 5개의 정부와 두 가지 대립적 정파적 언론들에 따라 어떻게 다른가였다. 또한, 북한이탈주민에 대한 대국민인식 변화를 이해하고자 분석 가능한 기간(2011～2014)의 2차 자료가 분석되었다. 먼저 호칭은 ‘탈북민(132,080개 기사)’, ‘북한이(탈)주민(44,281개 기사)’, ‘새터민(27,262개 기사)’의 순서로 사용되었다. ‘탈북민’이 가장 부정적이었고, 최근에는 ‘북한이탈주민’의 표현이 긍정적이고 일반적인 호칭이었다. 긍부정 방향성은 ‘탈북민’와 ‘새터민’은 긍정적 기사들이 부정적 기사들에 비해 지난 20년간 높은 빈도를 유지하고 있었다. 북한이탈주민 관련 기사의 감성어와 중요한 남북관계 사건들의 시간적인 관계성을 보면, 큰 긍·부정 남북문제 사건이 발생하여 북한에 관심이 증가될수록 남한의 북한이탈주민에 대한 사회적 관심은 낮아지는 현상이 발견되었다. 이는 속칭 ‘언론 내 북한과 북한이탈주민의 대립적 관심 관점(북한 ↔ 북한이탈주민)’으로 표현된다. 한편, 대한민국 정부별로 보면, 대북우호성향 정부의 언론 정서성 관점은 ‘북한과 북한이탈주민의 관심 대립 관점(북한 ↔ 북한이탈주민)’이 아닌 ‘북한이탈주민을 포용한 대북우호정서 관점(북한 ⊃ 북한이탈주민)’이 작동함을 보여주고 있었다. 남북한 관계가 급변하는 시기(김대중, 노무현, 박근혜정부 등)에 긍·부정 정서 방향성의 편차가 커지는 결과도 나타났다. 언론의 정치 성향에 따른 차이를 보면, 첫째, ‘북한이(탈)주민’+‘탈북민(자)’+‘새터민’ 관련 기사들은 보수언론들은 진보언론보다 낮은 언어적 강도 추세였다. 그러다가, 남북한 간 주요 쟁점이 발생하는 시기(예, 2009, 2015년)에는 보수언론의 강도가 높아져 진보언론과 유사해지는 패턴이 발견되었다. 둘째, 보수는 진보언론에 비해 ‘북한이(탈)주민’ 보다 ‘탈북민’을 더 사용하고 있었고, ‘북한이(탈)주민’ 관련 보도에서는 다양한 주제를 다루어 표현의 편차가 컸다. 셋째, ‘북한이(탈)주민’ 관련 기사의 정서 표현 빈도는 오히려 보수 언론에서 많았고, 더 나아가 정서의 방향성은 문재인 정부 이외 모든 정부에서 보수언론의 긍정적 정서 방향이 진보언론보다 많았다. 마지막으로 북한이탈주민에 대한 대국민 인식조사 결과, 남성, 고연령, 고교육수준, 고소득, 진보성향일수록 북한이탈주민에 대한 수용의향도가 높았다.

Abstract

In this study, about 200,000 linguistic morphemes and sentimental words were investigated for Naver articles including ‘North Korean refugee’, ‘North Korean defector’ and ‘North Korean defector(positively refined)’. The research question examined was in regards to how the linguistic intensity, emotional expression frequency, and positive/negative emotional direction in articles differed across five governments and two opposing factional media since 1998. Additionally, secondary data for the period that could be examined (2011~2014) were analyzed to understand the change in public perception of North Korean refugees. First, in the articles, the terms, ‘North Korean defectors (132,080 articles)’, ‘North Korean refugee (44,281 articles)’, and 'North Korean defector (positively refined) (27,262 articles)’, in this respective order, were used most frequently to refer to North Korean migrants. ‘North Korean defector’ was the most negative, and recently, the expression ‘North Korean refugee’ was a positive and common label used. As for the direction of emotion, positive articles on ‘North Korean defector’ and ‘North Korean defector(positively refined)’ have maintained a higher frequency than that of negative articles. Looking at the emotional language of articles related to North Korean migrants and the temporal relationship of important inter-Korean relations, it was found that the social interest in North Korean defectors in South Korea decreased as interest in North Korea increased, due to large positive and negative inter-Korean issues. This is expressed as a so-called 'frame of conflicting interest between North Korea and North Korean refugees in the media (North Korea ↔ North Korean refugee)'. Whereas, when viewed by the government of the Republic of Korea, the media sentiment frame of the pro-North Korean government was not a 'frame of conflict of interest between North Korea and North Korean refugees (North Korea ↔ North Korean refugee)', but a 'pro-North Korean sentiment frame that embraces North Korean refugees (North Korea ⊃ North Korean refugee)'. In times of rapid change in inter-Korean relations (Kim Dae-jung, Roh Moo-hyun, Park Geun-hye governments, etc.), there was also observed a sharp fluctuation in the direction of positive and negative emotions. Looking at the differences according to the media's political orientation, first, the articles related to ‘North Korean refugee’ + ‘North Korean defector’ + ‘North Korean defector (positively refined)’ tended to have a lower verbal intensity than that of the progressive media. Second, the conservatives used ‘North Korean defector’ more than ‘North Korean refugee’ compared to the progressive media, and reports related to ‘North Korean refugee’ dealt with various topics, causing a great wave of expression. Third, the emotional expression of articles related to North Korean refugees was more in the conservative media, and furthermore, the positive emotional direction of the conservative media in all governments except the Moon Jae-in administration was higher than that of the progressive media. Lastly, as a result of the public perception survey on North Korean refugees, being male, older in age, higher in education level, higher in income, and more progressive was associated with reporting higher intentions to accept North Korean refugees. This result was discussed by applying the concept of attribute agenda setting.

Keywords:

‘North Korean refugee’, ‘North Korean defector’, ‘North Korean defector (positively refined)’ Sentiment words analysis, Public opinion

키워드:

탈북민, 북한이탈주민, 새터민, 감성어 분석, 국민인식

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Appendix

부록Ⅰ. 국문참고문헌

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