Your browser does not support the PubReader view.
Go to this page to see a list of supporting browsers.
The Korean Society for Journalism & Communication (KSJCS)
[ Journalism Communication ]
Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies - Vol. 62, No. 6, pp.37-65
ISSN: 2586-7369 (Online)
Print publication date 31 Dec 2018
Received 07 Aug 2018 Revised 30 Nov 2018 Accepted 03 Dec 2018
DOI: https://doi.org/10.20879/kjjcs.2018.62.6.002

미투운동은 누구에게 어떤 과정을 통해 지지받는가? : 미디어의동원효과와성별의조절효과를중심으로

주은혜* ; 백영민**
*연세대학교언론홍보영상학부4학년, 주저자 gracechoo0011@gmail.com
**연세대학교언론홍보영상학부부교수, 교신저자 ymbaek@yonsei.ac.kr
Who supports #MeToo movement, and how are they mobilized? Focusing on the different media mobilization mechanism between women and men
Eun Hae Choo* ; Young Min Baek**
*BA student, Department of Communication, Yonsei University gracechoo0011@gmail.com
**Associate professor, Department of Communication, Yonsei University ymbaek@yonsei.ac.kr

초록

본 연구는 사회운동의 동원(mobilization) 과정 및 집단정체성 이론을 토대로 최근 급격하게 확산된 미투운동(#MeToo movement) 관련 미디어보도가 수용자의 미투운동 참여의사 형성에미친영향을살펴보았다. 젠더(gender) 관련사회운동참여및태도에대한선행연구를기반으로 미디어보도에의 노출이 ‘젠더문화의 심각성 인식’, ‘미투운동을 통한 젠더불평등 개선기대감’, ‘미투운동의 반발 우려’를 매개하여 미투운동 참여의사에 간접적인 영향을 미치는지, 아니면매개과정없이직접적인영향을미치는지살펴보았다. 또한이러한미디어의동원효과패턴이 ‘성별’이라는 집단정체성에 따라 달라지는지 살펴보았다. 본 연구는 한국언론진흥재단 미디어연구센터에서실시한“성폭력피해폭로‘미투’ 운동에대한국민인식” 온라인설문조사응답자(N=1063)의 응답을 2차분석하였으며, 미디어의 동원효과와 성별의 조절효과를 검증하기위해다집단구조방정식모형분석을실시하였다. 주요연구결과는다음과같다, 첫째, 미디어의 동원효과는 남성(n=499)과 여성(n=501) 응답자 모두에게 나타났다. 둘째, 반면 성별에 따라 동원효과의 패턴은 다르게 나타났다. 남성응답자에게서는 미디어보도 노출이 한국 젠더문화의 심각성 인식과 미투운동을 통한 젠더불평등 개선기대감을 경유해 참여의사를 형성하는 간접효과가 나타난 반면, 여성응답자에게서는 미디어보도 노출이 별다른 매개 없이 곧바로 미투운동 참여의사로 이어지는 직접효과가 발생했다. 즉 미투운동 관련 미디어보도에의 노출이 참여의사 형성에 미치는 영향은 그 유형은 달랐지만 남녀 모두에게서 유의미하게 발견되었다. 연구결과를토대로연구의함의와한계점역시제시하였다.

Abstract

This study, based on previous works on people’s participation to and attitude towards social movement, examines how the mass media influence people’s attitudes toward the #MeToo movement. We examine the pattern of media mobilization, and how it differs between women and men. Specifically, we focus on the role of mediating variables, such as ‘recognition of the seriousness of gender culture,’ ‘expectations of #MeToo movement on solving gender inequality,’ and ‘concern towards the backlash of #MeToo movement,’ linking the relationship between media exposure and social movement participation; additionally, how the mediating mechanism varies, depending on the gender of respondents. Exploiting multi-group structural equation modeling, a second analysis of public data provided by Korea Press Foundation Media Research Center (N = 1063) was conducted to test the mobilization effect of media and how the effect is moderated by gender. Our findings, interestingly, show female mobilization effect occurs without mediation (i.e., direct effect) but male mobilization effect is observed via mediating routes (i.e., indirect effect). However, the total effect size of mobilization is similar between women and men. Implications and limitations of our findings are also discussed.

Keywords:

#MeToo movement, group identity, social movement participation, backlash, multi-group SEM

키워드:

미투운동, 집단정체성, 사회운동참여, 반발(backlash), 다집단구조방정식모형

Acknowledgments

이논문은2016년도정부재원(교육부인문사회연구역량강화사업비)으로한국연구재단의지원을받아연구되었음(NRF-2016S1A3A2925033)

References

  • 고시면(2018). 미투(# Me Too) 와관련하여강간, 강제추행및성희롱등에대한형소법상증거재판주의등의딜레마. <사법행정>, 제59권5호, 2-17.
  • 권민수(2018, 3, 9). 미투캠페인을바라보는남성들의말말말. <미디어SR>. http://www.mediasr.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=47864
  • 김보명(2018). 전지구적시각에서보는Me Too운동. <황해문화> 제99권. 198-209.
  • 김지혜(2018, 3, 8). “여성자체를피한다” 미투대응‘펜스룰’, 또다른차별. <경향신문>. http://news.khan.co.kr/kh_news/khan_art_view.html?artid=201803081700001&code=940100#csidx29703b70bf4f9809ba6b0597528dfcd
  • 김희선 (2018, 3, 12). 도 넘은 ‘미투’ 2차 가해… “성폭력에 대한 왜곡된 통념 변해야”. <연합뉴스>. http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/bulletin/2018/03/12/0200000000AKR20180312128600005.HTML
  • 양정애·김영주(2018). 성폭력피해폭로‘미투’ 운동에대한국민인식. <미디어이슈>, 4권2호, 1-17.
  • 이나영(2018). 페미니스트관점에서본‘미투운동’의사회적의미. <월간복지동향>, 제234호, 5-12
  • 이영민·이동우 (2018, 3, 12). ‘남혐 vs 여혐’ 性대결 변질된 미투…“갑질로 봐야”. <머니투데이>. http://news.mt.co.kr/mtview.php?no=2018031215182186207
  • 이미나(2018, 2, 1). 서지현검사‘폭로’ 본질못짚는언론: ‘용기있는폭로주문’ ‘자극적삽화사용’ 여전...“실효성있는성폭력보도가이드라인필요”. <PD Journal>. http://www.pdjournal.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=61550
  • 이세아 (2018, 4, 8). 페미니즘이 불편한 남성들, 미투 운동에 반기 들다. <여성신문>. http://m.womennews.co.kr/news_detail.asp?num=141045#.WzqqsdIzaUk
  • 이희은(2018). 페미니즘운동과미디어윤리. <언론정보연구>, 제55권3호, 120-157.
  • 장명선·김선욱(2016). 성희롱2차피해의법적쟁점과과제. <이화젠더법학>, 제8권3호, 187-224.
  • 최이숙(2018). 백일넘긴미투운동보도…우리언론성장했나？. <관훈저널>, 제60권2호, 51-59.
  • 한국여성커뮤니케이션학회(2018, 3, 18). ‘미투’ 운동보도에대한성찰과변화를촉구한다. http://www.womencom.or.kr/store/board/view.php?board_id=Notice&no=582
  • 현혜란·김예나·이효석(2018, 3, 25). ‘90년생김지훈’ 등장…男女대결로몰아가는‘유투운동’. <연합뉴스>. http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/bulletin/2018/03/24/0200000000AKR20180324036800004.HTML
  • JTBC뉴스 (2018, 1, 29). [인터뷰] 서지현 검사 “검찰 내 성폭행도 있었지만 비밀리에 덮여”. http://news.jtbc.joins.com/article/article.aspx?news_id=NB11582419
  • Ackland, R. (2018, 4, 3). #MeToo has led to an asphyxiating vortex of litigation. The Guardian. Retrieved fromhttps://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/apr/03/metoo-has-led-to-an-asphyxiating-vortex-of-litigation
  • Aronson, P. (2003). Feminists or “postfeminists”? Young women’s attitudes toward feminismand gender relations. Gender and Society, 17(6), 903–922. [https://doi.org/10.1177/0891243203257145]
  • Barker-Plummer, B. (2010). News and feminism: A historic dialog. Journalism & CommunicationMonographs, 12(3), 144-203. [https://doi.org/10.1177/152263791001200302]
  • Bollen, K., & Stine, R. (1992). Bootstrapping goodness of fit measures in Structural EquationModels. Sociological Methods and Research, 21(2), 205–229. [https://doi.org/10.1177/0049124192021002004]
  • Buschman, J. K., & Lenart, S. (1996). “I am not a feminist, but...”: College women, feminism, and negative experiences. Political Psychology, 17(1), 59-75. [https://doi.org/10.2307/3791943]
  • Conover, P. J. (1988). The role of social groups in political thinking. British Journal of Political Science, 18(1), 51-76. [https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400004956]
  • Davison, W. P. (1983). The third-person effect in communication. Public Opinion Quarterly, 47(1), 1-15. [https://doi.org/10.1086/268763]
  • Dolata, U. (2018). Social movements: The sociotechnical constitution of collective action. In Dolata, U. & Schrape, J-F. (Eds.). Collectivity and Power on the Internet: A Sociological Perspective (pp. 31-56). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. [https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78414-4_3]
  • Faludi, S. (2006). Backlash: The undeclared war against American women. New York: Three Rivers Press.
  • Gamson, W. A. (1968). Power and discontent. Homewood, IL: Dorsey.
  • Gamson, W. A. (1992). Talking politics. New York: Cambridge University Press.
  • Gamson, W., & Wolfsfeld, G. (1993). Movements and media as interacting systems. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 528, 114-125. [https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716293528001009]
  • Gamson, W. A. (1995). Constructing social protest. In Johnson, H. & Klandermans, B. (Eds.). Social Movements and Culture (pp. 85–106). Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
  • Gil de Zúñiga, H., Molyneux, L., & Zheng, P. (2014). Social media, political expression, and political participation: Panel analysis of lagged and concurrent relationships. Journal of Communication, 64(4), 612-634. [https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.12103]
  • Guerra, C. (2017, 10, 17). Where’d the #MeToo initiative really come from? Activist Tarana Burke, long before hashtags. Boston Globe. Retrieved from https://web.archive.org/web/20171017232531/,  https://www.bostonglobe.com/lifestyle/2017/10/17/alyssa-milano-credits-activist-tarana-burke-with-founding-metoo-movement-years-ago/o2Jv29v6ljObkKPTPB9KGP/story.html
  • Gunther, A. C., & Storey, J. D. (2003). The influence of presumed influence. Journal of Communication, 53(2), 199-215. [https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2003.tb02586.x]
  • Gurin, P., Miller, A., & Gurin, G. (1980). Stratumidentification and consciousness. Social Psychology Quarterly, 43(1), 30-47. [https://doi.org/10.2307/3033746]
  • Jaworska, S. & Krishnamurthy, R. (2012). On the F-word: A corpus-based analysis of the media representation of feminism in British and German press discourse, 1990– 2009. Discourse & Society, 23(4), 401-431. [https://doi.org/10.1177/0957926512441113]
  • Katz, I., & Hass, R. G. (1988). Racial ambivalence and American value conflict: Correlational and priming studies of dual cognitive structures. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 55(6), 893-905. [https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.55.6.893]
  • Kay, K. (2017, 12, 1). Why women fear a backlash over #MeToo. BBC. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-42200092
  • Klein, E. (1984). Gender politics: From consciousness to mass politics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. [https://doi.org/10.4159/harvard.9780674864016]
  • Kline, R. B. (2015). Principles and practice of structural equation modeling (4th ed.). New York, NY: The Guilford Press.
  • Kinder, D. R., & Sanders, L. M. (1990). Mimicking political debate with survey questions: The case of white opinion on affirmative action for blacks. Social Cognition, 8(1), 73-103. [https://doi.org/10.1521/soco.1990.8.1.73]
  • Kinder, D. R., & Sears, D. O. (1981). Prejudice and politics: Symbolic racismversus racial threats to the good life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40(3), 414-431. [https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.40.3.414]
  • Kreuter, F., Presser, S., & Tourangeau, R. (2008). Social desirability bias in CATI, IVR, and web surveys: The effects of mode and question sensitivity. Public Opinion Quarterly, 72(5), 847-865. [https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfn063]
  • Lind, R. A., & Salo, C. (2002). The framing of feminists and feminism in news and public affairs programs in US electronic media. Journal of Communication, 52(1), 211-228. [https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2002.tb02540.x]
  • Moi, T. (2006). “I am not a Feminist, but…”: How Feminism became the F-word. PMLA, 121(5), 1735-1741. [https://doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2006.121.5.1735]
  • Mumford, G. (2018, 2, 12). Michael Haneke: #MeToo has led to a witch hunt 'coloured by a hatred of men. The Guardian. Retrieved fromhttps://www.theguardian.com/film/2018/ feb/12/michael-haneke-metoo-witch-hunt-coloured-hatred-men
  • Petrow, G. A., Transue, J. E., & Vercellotti, T. (2018). Do white in-group processes matter, too? White racial identity and support for black political candidates. Political Behavior, 40(1), 197-222. [https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-017-9422-8]
  • Roscigno, V. J., & Danaher, W. F. (2001). Media and mobilization: The case of radio and southern textile worker insurgency, 1929 to 1934. American Sociological Review, 66(1), 21-48. [https://doi.org/10.2307/2657392]
  • Rudman, L. A., & Glick, P. (2012). The social psychology of gender: How power and intimacy shape gender relations. New York, NY: Guilford Press.
  • Rudman, L. A., Moss-Racusin, C. A., Glick, P., & Phelan, J. E. (2012). Reactions to vanguards: Advances in backlash theory. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 45, 167-227. [https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-394286-9.00004-4]
  • Schmidt, V. A. (2008). Discursive institutionalism: The explanatory power of ideas and discourse. Annual Review of Political Science, 11, 303-326 [https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.060606.135342]
  • Sniderman, P. M., & Piazza, T. L. (1995). The scar of race. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
  • Snow, D. A., Rochford Jr, E. B., Worden, S. K., & Benford, R. D. (1986). Frame alignment processes, micromobilization, and movement participation. American Sociological Review, 51(4), 464-481. [https://doi.org/10.2307/2095581]
  • Snow, D. A., & Benford, R. D. (1992). Master frames and cycles of protest. In A. D. Morris & C. M. Mueller (Eds.), Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (pp. 133-155). NewHaven, CT: Yale University Press.
  • Snow, D. A., Benford, R. D., McCammon, H., Hewitt, L., & Fitzgerald, S. (2014). The emergence, development, and future of the framing perspective: 25+ years since "Frame Alignment". Mobilization: An International Quarterly, 19(1), 23-46.
  • Stephens, B. (2017, 12, 20). When #MeToo goes too far. The New York Times. Retrieved fromhttps://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/20/opinion/metoo-damon-too-far.html
  • Summers-Effler, E. (2002). The micro potential for social change: Emotion, consciousness, and social movement formation. Sociological Theory, 20(1), 41-60. [https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9558.00150]
  • Thau, M. (2017). How political parties use group-based appeals: Evidence from Britain 1964–2015. Political Studies, 49(2), 158-178. [https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321717744495]
  • Twohey, M. (2017, 10, 8). Harvey Weinstein Is Fired After Sexual Harassment Reports. The NewYork Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/08/business/ harvey-weinstein-fired.html
  • Walden, C. (2018, 3, 7). 'It could all disappear': #MeToo founder Tarana Burke on where the campaign is going wrong. The Telegraph. Retrieved from https://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/life/could-disappear-metoo-founder-tarana-burke-campaign-going-wrong/
  • Webster, J. G. (2014). The Marketplace of attention: How audiences take shape in a digital age. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. [https://doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9892.001.0001]
  • Xenos, M., & Moy, P. (2007). Direct and differential effects of the Internet on political and civic engagement. Journal of Communication, 57(1), 704-718. [https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2007.00364.x]
  • Xiao, Y. J., Coppin, G., & Van Bavel, J. J. (2016). Perceiving the world through group-colored glasses: A Perceptual Model of Intergroup Relations. Psychological Inquiry, 27(2-3), 255-274. [https://doi.org/10.1080/1047840X.2016.1199221]
  • Zeilinger, J. (2018, 1, 29) The #MeToo movement is affecting men too. MTV. Retrieved from http://www.mtv.com/news/3059457/mtv-survey-men-metoo/
  • Zucker, A. N. (2004). Disavowing social identities: What it means when women say,“I'm not a feminist, but…”. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 28(4), 423-435. [https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2004.00159.x]