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The Korean Society for Journalism & Communication (KSJCS)
[ Article ]
Korean Journal of Journalism & Communication Studies - Vol. 66, No. 2, pp.5-69
ISSN: 2586-7369 (Online)
Print publication date 30 Apr 2022
Received 10 Feb 2022 Accepted 01 Apr 2022 Revised 07 Apr 2022
DOI: https://doi.org/10.20879/kjjcs.2022.66.2.001

담론네트워크 분석을 통해 살펴본 언론보도에 대한 징벌적 손해배상 정책 논쟁

최은철** ; 윤석민***
**서울대학교 언론정보학과 석사 neochoi95@snu.ac.kr
***서울대학교 언론정보학과 교수 sugminyoun@gmail.com
The media policy debate over punitive damages for media reports : A discourse network analysis
Eun Cheol Choi** ; Sugmin Youn***
**Master, Department of Communication, Seoul National University neochoi95@snu.ac.kr
***Professor, Department of Communication, Seoul National University, corresponding author sugminyoun@gmail.com

초록

언론보도에 대한 징벌배상은 법리적 논쟁의 범위를 넘어서서 점차 주요 미디어 정책 의제로 자리 잡았다. 그 과정에서 국회의원, 행정기관, 언론사, 언론단체, 시민단체 등 주요 정책 행위자는 공적인 정책 논쟁의 장에서 찬반 의견을 다투고 정책 신념을 표출하였다. 정책 갈등이 격화된 이유는 언론 피해 구제, 표현의 자유 수호 등과 같이 행위자들이 지닌 핵심적인 정책 가치가 충돌하였기 때문이다. 이 연구는 2020년대 초 언론보도에 대한 징벌적 손해배상 제도를 둘러싸고 빚어진 미디어 정책 논쟁의 구조를 분석하였다. 정책 논쟁 지형의 구조와 시간에 따른 변화를 파악하고자 담론네트워크 분석(discourse network analysis)을 활용하였다. 우선 언론보도 징벌배상 정책 관련 발언을 수집하고 범주 체계를 구성한 뒤 내용분석을 수행하여 행위자와 신념을 연결한 2-모드 네트워크(two-mode network) 데이터를 형성하였다. 다음으로 정책 논쟁을 세 개 시기로 구분한 뒤, 시기별 담론네트워크에 네트워크 분석 기법을 적용하여 옹호연합, 중심 행위자와 신념, 네트워크 효과를 알아보았다. 연구 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 담론네트워크의 양극화 현상이 두드러졌다. 옹호연합(advocacy coalition)의 규모와 구성은 변화하였지만, 찬성과 반대 연합 양측으로 나뉘어 갈등하는 양상은 매 시기 유지되었다. 의견이 어느 한쪽으로 수렴되기보다는 복수의 연합 간 충돌이 일어나는 비평형 상태가 이어진 것이다. 둘째, 정책 행위자들은 정책 신념을 달리 표출하며 합종연횡하였다. 여당 소속 국회의원이나 행정기관은 징벌배상 정책을 추진하였으며, 야당 소속 국회의원, 미디어 업계 및 전문가들은 정책에 반대하는 경향을 보였다. 셋째, 국지적 의견수렴이 이루어졌다. 다른 의견을 지닌 정책 행위자들이 참여하는 토론회·세미나가 개최되는 등 정책 학습의 기회가 이어진 결과 반대 의견을 밝혀온 주요 언론단체는 징벌배상에 대한 조건부 수용 견해를 밝혔다. 징벌배상을 추진하는 여당 측도 조건을 받아들여 법안을 수정 발의하였다. 하지만 이후로 충분한 논의를 거치지 않은 채로 법안 강행처리를 시도하여 많은 반발과 비판에 부딪혔다. 이 논문은 정책 논쟁 지형에 관한 연구를 통해 충분한 공감대를 얻지 못한 언론개혁 시도로는 합의나 실천 사항을 끌어내기에 역부족임을 확인하였다. 언론 문제 해결을 위해서는 ‘가짜뉴스’ 등의 모호한 개념을 명확하게 하는 규범과 관행의 정교화 작업이 앞서야 한다는 함의를 도출할 수 있었다. 담론네트워크 분석은 언론보도에 대한 징벌배상 정책 논쟁 과정의 역동성을 파악하기에 적합했다. 미디어 정책 논쟁 과정을 살펴보기 위해 다른 정책 사안에도 이 방법을 적용하여 연구할 필요가 있다.

Abstract

Introducing punitive damages for media reports has in recent years become a media policy agenda that extends beyond the scope of legal debate. Prominent policy actors such as members of the National Assembly, administrative agencies, media companies, and civic groups participated in the policy debate and expressed their policy beliefs. The core policy values, such as relief from media damage and freedom of expression, collided. This study aimed to analyze the structure of the media policy debate over punitive damages for media reports in the early 2020s. Discourse network analysis was applied to determine the structure of the policy debate and its evolution over time. This study collected remarks on punitive damages for media reports and conducted content analysis to form two-mode network data that connect policy actors and beliefs. Next, the policy debate was divided into three periods, and network analysis techniques were employed to the discourse networks from each period to examine advocacy coalition, central actors and beliefs. The results are as follows: First, the polarization of the discourse network was remarkable. Although the size and composition of the coalitions changed, the conflict between the coalitions continued. Rather than converging to either side, they maintained an out-of-equilibrium state. Second, policy actors expressed their policy beliefs in a variety of ways. Lawmakers belonging to the ruling party and administrative agencies promoted punishment compensation policies, while opposition lawmakers, media industries, and experts tended to oppose these policies. Third, convergence of opinion occurred in a local manner. Discussions and seminars were consistently held, in which policy actors with differing opinions participated. As a result, media organizations, which consistently express opposing beliefs throughout the first and second phases, expressed their conditional acceptance of punitive damages in the third phase. The ruling party accepted the conditions and proposed a revision of the bill. However, after then, the ruling party had attempted to forcefully push the bill without sufficient deliberation, facing much opposition and criticism. Through research on the topography of the policy debate, this paper confirmed that the attempt to reform the media without gaining sufficient consensus only resulted in backlash from stakeholders and could not draw out any meaningful agreements. This implies that in order to solve the media problem, journalistic norms and practices must be elaborated in order to articulate what it means to regulate ‘fake news’. The discourse network analysis was suitable for grasping the dynamics of the policy debate over awarding punitive damages for media reports. To examine media policy debates, it is necessary to apply the framework to other policy issues as well.

Keywords:

punitive damages, media policy, advocacy coalition, social network analysis, two-mode network

키워드:

징벌배상, 미디어 정책, 정책옹호연합체, 사회연결망, 2-모드 네트워크

Acknowledgments

This paper is based on Eun Cheol Choi’s master’s thesis at Seoul National University. This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2021S1A5B8096358) (본 논문은 최은철의 서울대학교 석사학위논문의 일부를 수정·보완한 것입니다. 이 논문은 2022년 서울대학교 언론정보연구소, 2021년 대한민국 교육부와 한국연구재단의 지원을 받아 수행된 연구임 (NRF-2021S1A5B8096358))

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Appendix

부록 I-1 국내 학술자료

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  • 김순양 (2010). 정책과정분석에서의 정책네트워크 모형 - 이론적, 실천적 적실성의 검토 및 제언. <한국정책학회보>, 19권 4호, 177-210.
  • 김재영·이승선 (2012). 종합편성채널 정책 평가. <방송문화연구>, 24권 1호, 7-38.
  • 김재형 (2005). 언론에 의한 人格權 침해에 대한 救濟手段. <언론과법>, 4권 1호, 55-82.
  • 김정훈 (2017). 방송분야 정책네트워크 특성 연구: 방송언론의 소유규제 완화 정책사례를 중심으로. <한국행정학보>, 51권 1호, 65-89.
  • 김현수·윤용석·권순현·장다혜 (2012). <징벌적 손해배상제도에 관한 입법평가> (현안분석 12-24-22). 서울: 한국법제연구원.
  • 박희주 (2014). <외국의 징벌적 손해배상 법제 및 사례 연구> (정책연구 19-18). 음성: 한국소비자원.
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  • 윤석민 (2005). <커뮤니케이션 정책 연구>. 서울: 커뮤니케이션북스.
  • 윤석민 (2011). <한국사회 소통의 위기와 미디어>. 파주: 나남.
  • 윤석민 (2015). <미디어 공정성 연구>. 파주: 나남.
  • 윤석민 (2020). <미디어 거버넌스>. 파주: 나남.
  • 윤석민·이현우 (2008). 이명박 정부하의 방송통신 정책결정체계 재편과 방송정책의 변화 방향. <방송문화연구>, 20권 1호, 35-68.
  • 이성대 (2018). 가짜뉴스에 대한 형사법적 규제가능성과 보완필요성 검토. <형사정책>, 30권 1호, 65-93.
  • 이승선 (2021). 언론에 적용될 수 있는 ‘징벌적 손해배상법률안’의 위헌성 검토: 헌법재판소의 2021년 형법 제307조, 정보통신망법 제70조 합헌 결정을 중심으로. <지역과 커뮤니케이션>, 25권 2호, 7-26.
  • 이예찬·민영 (2020). 명예훼손 보도의 사회적 영향력 지각이 피해자의 법적대응 의향 및 규제태도에 미치는 영향 - 제삼자 효과를 중심으로. <미디어와 인격권>, 6권 1호, 193-234.
  • 이인호·이준형 (2021). 허위조작정보 규제의 헌법적 한계 - 언론중재법 개정안(대안) 및 5·18민주화운동특별법을 중심으로. <언론과법>, 20권 3호, 223-263.
  • 이준일 (2021). 징벌적 손해배상제도를 도입한 언론중재법의 위헌성 여부. <언론과법>, 20권 3호, 189-221.
  • 장영수 (2020). 언론사에 대한 징벌적 손해배상은 언론자유 침해인가. <관훈저널>, 156호, 11-17.
  • 정영주·홍종윤·오형일 (2018). 700㎒ 주파수 분배 정책 결정 과정 연구. <방송통신연구>, 101호, 153-190.
  • 조소영 (2021). 언론중재법 개정안의 입법과정과 내용상의 쟁점. <언론과법>, 20권 3호, 157-188.
  • 조항제 (2014). 한국의 민주화와 언론의 자유·언론학에 대한 비판적 성찰. <커뮤니케이션 이론>, 10(2), 41-76.
  • 조항제 (2018). 한국 공영방송 노동조합의 자율성 투쟁. <언론정보연구>, 55(2), 112-168.
  • 홍종윤 (2010). 한국 방송 정책결정 과정의 역동성: 정책옹호연합체론을 통한 방송 정책결정 체계 이론의 재구성. <한국언론학보>, 54권 6호, 199-228.

    • Appendix

    부록 I-2 언론보도·보도자료·성명문 등

  • 강민경 (2020, 06, 09). 정청래, 가짜뉴스 보도시 3배 손해배상 법안 발의. <연합뉴스>. Retrieved from https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20200609165800001
  • 강아영·김달아 (2020, 06, 16). 언론 보도, 형사처벌 가능한데⋯ 정치권 ‘징벌적 손해배상제’ 추진. <기자협회보>. Retrieved from http://www.journalist.or.kr/news/article.html?no=47805
  • 강푸른 (2021, 09, 08). ‘8인 협의체’, 오늘 첫 회의⋯언론중재법 개정안 논의. <KBS>. Retrieved from https://news.kbs.co.kr/news/view.do?ncd=5274692&ref=A
  • 고동욱 (2020, 10, 05). 민주, 언론상생 TF 출범⋯“가짜뉴스 대응하겠다”. <연합뉴스>. Retrieved from https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20201005148200001?input=1195m
  • 고동욱 (2021, 02, 09). 與 “가짜뉴스 ‘징벌적 손해배상’ 대상에 언론·포털 포함”. <연합뉴스>. Retrieved from https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20210209092200001
  • 권남영 (2021, 08, 25). 징벌적손배 언론중재법, 野퇴장 속 與단독 법사위 통과. <국민일보>. Retrieved from http://news.kmib.co.kr/article/view.asp?arcid=0016200359&code=61111111&cp=nv
  • 금준경 (2021, 10, 13). ‘통합형 언론 자율규제기구’ 연구위 구성. <미디어오늘>. Retrieved from http://www.mediatoday.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=215950
  • 김고은 (2021, 04, 22). “정치권력의 언론 인질극, 이제 끝내야 한다”. <기자협회보>. Retrieved from http://www.journalist.or.kr/news/article.html?no=49255
  • 김도연 (2020, 06, 13). ‘풀단’ ‘톺아보다’ 어려운 단어 눈에 들어오지 않아. <미디어오늘>. Retrieved from http://www.mediatoday.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=207550
  • 김도연 (2020, 10, 27). 언론계, 징벌적 손배에 “약자 위한 기사쓰기도 주저” 우려. <미디어오늘>. Retrieved from http://www.mediatoday.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=210024
  • 김도연 (2020, 11, 01). “조중동과 보수 카르텔, 文 정부 개혁의지 있나”. <미디어오늘>. Retrieved from http://www.mediatoday.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=210105
  • 김도연 (2021, 05, 03). 징벌적 손해배상제 도입 찬성 80%. <미디어오늘>. Retrieved from http://www.mediatoday.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=213231
  • 김성순 (2020, 10, 28). 징벌적 손해배상제도와 언론의 자유. <기자협회보>. Retrieved from https://www.journalist.or.kr/news/article.html?no=48363
  • 김성욱 (2021, 02, 10). 언론도 징벌적 손해배상제 적용, “찬성” 61.8%. <오마이뉴스>. Retrieved from http://www.ohmynews.com/NWS_Web/Event/Special/opinion_poll_2019/at_pg.aspx?CNTN_CD=A0002718488
  • 김성후 (2021, 06, 14). 언론현업단체, 징벌적 손배제 대안 내놔. <기자협회보>. Retrieved from https://www.journalist.or.kr/news/article.html?no=49593
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